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Chasing the Scream: The First and Last Days of the War on Drugs

Chasing the Scream: The First and Last Days of the War on Drugs

parJohann Hari
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Depuis France

RAS
4,0 sur 5 étoiles La guerre aux drogues
Commenté en France 🇫🇷 le 12 avril 2018
Achat vérifié
Ce livre mérite qu'on le lise, même si ce n'est pas de la grande science, plutôt un compte rendu journalistique du cheminent de Hari. Mais j'ai appris beaucoup sur les débuts étonnants de la guerre aux drogues aux Etats-Unis, sur la récente libéralisation au Portugal, etc. Comment la guerre aux drogues, sous prétexte de vouloir protéger la jeunesse, pousse beaucoup de personnes dans la marginalité et la délinquance. Mais on a beaucoup de longueurs, tout cela aurait pu se dire en plus court. Je recommande le discours de Hari sur TED sur les drogues, ça dit l'essentiel en plus bref.
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5,0 sur 5 étoiles Amazing!!! A must read for all!!
Commenté en France 🇫🇷 le 28 mai 2016
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This is the best book explaining and giving a comprehensive understanding of the war on drugs and most importantly about addiction. Can't stop recommending to everyone I know!
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D’autres pays

David Seaman
5,0 sur 5 étoiles His book is better than anything he cite's
Commenté aux États-Unis 🇺🇸 le 21 février 2015
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Johann Hari has written the most important book on addiction and the War on Drugs to date. His book is better than anything he cite's, "Beautiful Boy", "Tweak" and even "The Fix.
Hari set off confused, frustrated with a view of the filthy scum littering our culture who are addicts but was tugged bt one question: why was the War on Drugs not working? He spent years researching, traveling the world, interviewing everyone from Billie Holiday's godson to the president of Uruguay. Each meeting raised more questions.
"Chasing The Scream" will make you think; will make you shocked; will bring tears and will make you feel used. Johann Hari went back to The Harrison Act of 1913, researched Prohibition of Alcohol and the changes that occurred after FDR repealed it in 1933. This is a book that could save hundreds of thousands of lives, could save billions in annual tax dollars and should be read by everyone for informed voting. Colorado and Washington have already ceded the War On Drugs. More is coming. It!s your job to be informed.

Using drugs is only a symptom of suffering, and we have to reach the reasons that make addicts want to be outside of their heads much of the time. You can stop using drugs for a while, but if you don't solve the problems and pain you have in your mind, the pain will come back. We have to work on the trauma in your life, and only then can you change the way you deal with the pain.
But this is only the first layer of support for addicts, and not the most important. The UN has a strong policy on criminalization of drugs; the United States funds it world wide. In 1913 the USA passed The Harrison Act. In 1933, President Roosevelt repealed prohibition of alcohol for the tax revenue, to control gang wars on the streets (think Al Capone, Chicago and the St Valentine's Day massacre). The man in charge of the Federal Bureau of Prohibition, Harry Anslinger, saw that his job and department were soon on the chopping block so Anslinger found a way to not only keep his department but to increase his political power. The War on Drugs became intensified.
Addiction is an expression of despair, and the best way to deal with despair is to offer a better life, where the addict doesn't feel the need to anesthetize himself anymore. Giving rewards, rather than making threats, is the path; congratulate them instead of humiliating them. Give them options. Help them to build a life. This is where the support of our government and our culture is incredibly important. And sadly lacking. Addicts want to be a part of the society. We cannot tell them to behave as a normal citizen and then deprive them of a role in society: having a job, having work, having a salary, having dignity. The aim should be to give them something to lose in a life where loss has been the status quo.
It occurs to Hari that this philosophy is opposite of the prohibitionist approach. In the drug war, we guarantee addicts will find it almost impossible to work again, by marking them with the Scarlet letter of a criminal record. They are forced into breaking the law in a perpetual cycle controled by organized crime. After the drug war, we should make it easier to employ recovering addict's, with subsidies – (tax incentives to employers is one of Mr. Hari's suggestions) because we understand that this will keep them from relapsing far more effectively than the threat of being caged.
To some Johann Hari's much cited thesis seems like common sense. Look at the Alcohol Prohibition from the Harrison Act until 1933. Citizens died from bath tub gin. Organized Crime and gang wars killed hundreds of thousands to control the street sales. The police and government had no control; no quality and safety control; no revenue from taxes.
In 1933 President Roosevelt repealed Prohibition to generate tax revenue. Additinal results: Alcoholism went down. Deaths from poisoned bathtub gin dissapeard; the gangs lost all control of the industry and street, or "turf" war slayings came to a brief end.
Brief? Yes. Why? Because Anslinger turned the control of drug trafficking over to gangsters very quickly.
The end of prohibition. But because Director Harry Anslinger switched the US Dept of Prohibition from alcohol to drugs, in order to save his department, the deaths, escalation of use and gang control moved from alcohol to drugs. Today it's not Al Capone. You know them: Crips, Bloods, Latin Kings, Zetas, cartels, gang controlled streets. It isn't the sidewalks they're killing people to control.
The War on Drugs has lasted now for 101 years. 7 people die every hour in drug related deaths. More than 75% are related to gang deaths. It's aimed at African Americans and Latinos. There are more blacks in prison on drug charges today than there were black slaves 180 years ago. Overtime for police doubles the annual salary for police. Confusion in the public based on propaganda about prescription drugs frightens and frustrates citizens.Slogans and training for our kids that fit on bumper stickers and a public who is taught to hate addicts is so much less than we deserve; to see them as the enemy of the people. Everyone wins through solvency and wealth. Except no one is winning.
Almost 6 years ago the government of Portugal decriminalized all drugs. This was based on the model that the war on drugs was creating more crime, more use, more overdose, and more death. In the years since heroin was decriminalized in Portugal, it's use has been halved there – while in the United States, with the drug war continues, it has doubled. The European monitoring center for drugs and drug addiction (EMCDDA) and the British Journal of criminology, both of whom have a no horse in this race, have been shocked by the statistical results in their research. Hari's interviews and experiences in Portugal are astonishing.
Children aged 15 to 16 in Portugal reported one of the lowest lifetime prevalence of cannabis use in Western Europe – 13%. The cocaine use is almost have the EU average. It is slightly down since decriminalization started in 1999, 2.5% of sixteen to eighteen -year-olds used heroin by 2005, after six years of this model of decriminalization, it was down to 1.8%. The report also stresses that the new policy has brought a transformation to the lives of people who never once touched a drug. It was "very common" before the end of the drug war that heroin addict's would rob people to get their next fix but the "crimes related to drug consumption are now finished. The crimes on the street level related to drug consumption do not happen anymore. " Addicts are all either on methadone, Suboxone, in treatment, or recovering, so "they don't need to rob cars are us old people. " The report ads: "this is a complete change. " (EMCDDA source).
This change has caused another transformation – in how people see the police. "People in poor neighborhoods no longer see the police as enemies; that is most important. That is different."
The report is careful to add one caveat: these results are not due to the change in the law alone. The heroin use in the 1980s and 1990s was so widespread and so damaging that it spurred a back lash among [young] people who look at their siblings and resolved never to follow those particular track marks to disaster. So some of these changes would have happened without the transformation in the drug laws – but not all of it. And almost everyone reading this essay has personal knowledge of someone addicted or killed by a drug lord.
João Figueira, chief of the Lisbon, Portugal drug squad, describes himself as "very conservative". To quote at first, he says, when the laws were changed, "the left-wing said let's do this and the right-wing said no, no, no – and in fact on the results we have, there is no kind of ideological [debate anymore] because it has nothing to do with ideology. What happened here worked," he explains. "What happened here was a good result and the statistics we have prove it. There is no ideology in this… so everyone, conservatives or Socialists, accepts the situation." Since the drug policy revolution, Portugal has had two governments on the left, and two governments of the right. All have kept the decriminalization in place. None of the political parties wants to go back.
This alternative works. And the best proof is virtually nobody in Portugal is arguing for return to the old ways.
The country of Uruguay has adopted this policy and taken it even farther, ignoring the scare tactics from the United States by legalizing drugs on three tiers. Uruguay's President says, "We are doing nothing that the USA is not doing with their laws on marijuana except our food and drug administration has TOTAL control, one department controls it all where in the USA, like the days of Slave Laws, it's a matter of State to State. And State Rights brought about the US Civil
War.
How many of us know someone whose life has been strongly affected by The War On Drugs? We all got DARE in 5th grade. ("What was that? Drugs Are Ruining Everything?" Our teachers got a free period and we got a T-shirt.) We got Nancy Reagan's slogan, "Just Say No." Teachers try to encourage open dialogue but that fear of criminalization is always there. We got slogans and platitudes from our teachers and politicians. "This is your brain on drugs." And the first time we smoked pot we learned that everyone was lying to us. Pot wasn't evil as they told us; it was as though they made it all up. Anyone who uses a substance to the point of intoxication more than once every few weeks is killing some form of pain. Something has to be done because one in four of our children will be destroyed by drugs.
Just how much more proof do we need that The War On Drugs isn't working? What's the difference between this and Al Capone controlling the liquor industry? Al Capone and his colleagues were adding vanilla extract to ethanol. Today heroin's being cut with Ajax, pencil shavings, cardboard-anything that can be crushed to look like heroin. Veins collapse due to additives, just as livers fail from rubbing alcohol.
Johann Hari's book opens our eyes to a lot of this.
It's time to think and re-think. In this case it may be best to throw the baby out with the bathwater because real babies are dying.
"Chasing The Scream" is not just brilliant and important, it is essential.
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Corn
5,0 sur 5 étoiles Oder: die ersten und die letzten Tage des Kriegs gegen die Drogen
Commenté en Allemagne 🇩🇪 le 10 septembre 2015
Achat vérifié
Durch eine dringende Empfehlung bin ich auf Johann Haris Buch „Chasing the Scream“ aufmerksam geworden. Hari befaßt sich darin mit dem weltweit geführten Krieg gegen die Drogen und seinen Folgen, einem Thema, mit dem ich als Totalabstinenzler eigentlich keine nennenswerten Berührungspunkte hatte und das ich nur so mittelinteressant fand. Dachte ich. Und ich lag völlig falsch: Hari bringt zwingt ungemein eindringlich zu Bewußtsein und belegt nebenher sehr solide (ca. 70 Seiten Anmerkungen und Bibliographie), daß so gut wie alles, was die allermeisten über Drogen, Drogensucht und –süchtige und die Ursprünge der fast weltweiten Drogenprohibition und ihren Folgen zu wissen meinen, grundfalsch ist. Diese Erkenntnis, die einen während des Lesens immer wieder kalt erwischt und derer man sich nicht zu erwehren vermag sowie die damit einhergehende Notwendigkeit, seine eigenen, vermeintlich vernünftigen und vielleicht jahrelang gehaltenen Annahmen über Bord zu werfen, verstören und faszinieren im gleichen Maße. Immer wieder, während ich las, fragte ich mich: „Warum weiß das keiner?!“

Doch der Reihe nach: Das Buch ist hervorragend geschrieben und erzählt und ich habe es regelrecht verschlungen. Dazu trägt auch die brillante Stilistik und sein kongenialer Aufbau bei: Um die Exponenten zu verdeutlichen, zwischen denen sich das Netz des Kriegs gegen die Drogen aufspannte, unter dessen Ägide wir alle aufgewachsen sind, skizziert Hari zunächst die Geschichten von Harry Anslinger, dem Begründer dieses Kriegs, auf der einen und Arnold Rothstein, dessen erstem großen Profiteur und Marketender, auf der anderen Seite. Dabei arbeitet er sehr überzeugend heraus, wie, ganz analog zur mit Wucht gescheiterten Alkoholprohibition, ideologischer Fanatismus und im Falle Anslingers zudem unverhohlener Rassismus statt rationale und auf Belege gestützte Gründe die Ursache der Drogenprohibition waren und daß die einzigen, die wirklich von einer Prohibition profitieren, gewissenlose Verbrecher wie früher Rothstein und heute vor allem die mächtigen Drogenkartelle sind. Hari führt dem Leser aber auch das erste prominente und besonders tragische Opfer des Kriegs vor Augen, die überragende und heroinsüchtige Jazzsängerin Billie Holiday, die, von Anslinger gehasst und verfolgt, im Jahre 1959 in einem Krankenhaus unter unmenschlichen Bedingungen an den Folgen von Krankheit und Entzugserscheinungen verstarb.

Um die Auswirkungen der Drogenprohibition in ihrer Breite und Tiefe zu verstehen, führte Hari für sein Buch eine Reihe von Interviews mit zum Teil absolut faszinierenden Personen, die jede für sich auf ihre Weise mit dem Krieg gegen die Drogen in Kontakt kam. Darunter sind die heute noch lebenden Freunde von Billie Holiday, die ihre Verfolgung und ihren elenden Tod miterlebten, ein jüdischer Arzt, der als Baby nur knapp das Budapester Ghetto überlebte und heute mit Süchtigen arbeitet, um zu verstehen, was sie süchtig macht, ein transsexueller ehemaliger Crackdealer, dessen ganzes Leben, einschließlich seiner Zeugung bei der Vergewaltigung seiner cracksüchtigen Mutter durch einen Polizisten vom Drogendezernat, durch diesen Krieg bestimmt wurde und José Mujica, der, bevor er Präsident von Uruguay wurde und erste Schritte zu einer Legalisierung von Drogen unternahm, als Opfer einer Diktatur jahrelang auf dem Grund eines Brunnens gefangen gehalten worden war. (Die Interviews kann man im Originalklang auf Haris Homepage anhören.)

Hari wechselt geschickt die Perspektiven zwischen der Erzählung aus den Augen seiner Protagonisten und Interviewpartner, der Darlegung von Fakten und Studienergebnissen und seiner eigenen Innenwelt und oft ringt er dabei mit sich selbst, beschreibt, wie sich seine neuen, empirisch begründeten Einsichten und Erkenntnisse langsam gegen die zähen, jahrelang eingeprägten und gesellschaftlich konformen Vorurteile in seiner eigenen Anschauung durchsetzen und seine mitfühlenden, zutiefst menschlichen und niemals verurteilenden Schilderungen, die auch seinen Umgang mit seinem eigenen, drogensüchtigen Ex-Partner umfassen, haben mich berührt und begeistert.

Das Buch ist zwischendurch nur schwer zu ertragen, wenn Hari beispielsweise von Marsha berichtet, einer Amerikanerin, die, wegen bagatellhaften Drogenbesitzes inhaftiert, bei lebendigem Leib von noch heute Dienst tuenden texanischen Gefängniswärtern in einem Käfig in der glühenden Wüstensonne ausgesetzt und dort regelrecht „zu Tode gekocht“ wurde oder von Rosalio, den Hari im Gefängnis interviewt hat und der in einem Trainingscamp zum Soldaten und Mörder für ein mexikanisches Drogenkartell ausgebildet wurde und berichtet, daß die sich windenden und schlängelnden Nerven und Sehnen, die sichtbar werden, wenn man einem Menschen den Kopf absägt (auch darin wurde er geschult), aussehen, „als hätte er Würmer“, oder vom Abschreckungswettrüsten der Drogenkartelle, die ihren Widersachern bei lebendigem Leib das Gesicht abschneiden, auf einen Fußball nähen und diesen deren Familien vor die Tür legen. Diese grauenhaften Bilder und Szenen, das macht Hari unmißverständlich klar, sind allesamt Folgen der Drogenprohibition, der damit einhergehenden Beurteilung und Behandlung Süchtiger als untermenschliche Kriminelle sowie des ebenso unausweichlichen wie unfaßbar brutalen Kriegs um den größten Profit beim Drogenhandel.

Ein zentral wichtiges Element des Buches ist auch die faktenbasierte und sehr gut belegte Dekonstruktion des uns allen geläufigen und gesellschaftlich sanktionierten Narrativs von Drogen, Drogensucht und wie sie entsteht und Drogensüchtigen mit ihrem vermeintlich reduzierten Wert als Menschen und ihrer angeblichen Unfähigkeit zu Beitrag zur und Partizipation an der Gesellschaft. Dafür hat er mit zahlreichen Wissenschaftlern, Forschern, Soziologen, Sozialarbeitern und -aktivisten gesprochen, die ihm die wichtigen Mosaiksteine für ein neues, realistisches Bild von Drogen, Drogensucht und -süchtigen lieferten. Ich nenne hier nur ein wichtiges von zahlreichen Beispielen: “Rat Park“. Hari läßt sich von Bruce Alexander erklären, warum nicht die biochemischen Eigenschaften von Heroin (oder letztlich einer anderen Droge) ein Lebewesen, gleich ob Affe, Ratte oder Mensch, süchtig machen, sondern daß (soziale) Isolation und Einsamkeit für die Sucht vulnerabel machen und daß damit die derzeit gängige Drogenpolitik, die eine Ausgrenzung, Entmenschlichung, Isolation und Stigmatisierung Süchtiger sanktioniert, das Problem der Sucht nur verschlimmert.

Ein bedeutender und erhellender Teil von Haris Dekonstruktion ist deshalb auch die Untersuchung von Ländern und Systemen, darunter Portugal und die erzkonservative Schweiz, die bereits mit Entkriminalisierung bzw. Legalisierung (nicht identisch) von Drogen experimentiert und gute Erfolge zu verzeichnen haben. Hari spricht dafür mit Menschen, die am Aufbau der Programme beteiligt waren, mit solchen, die davon profitier(t)en und dadurch wieder ein normales Leben führen können und mit solchen, z.B. dem “sehr konservativen” (Selbsteinschätzung) Polizisten und Chef des Lissabonner Drogendezernates João Figueira, die zuerst dagegen waren sich aber, konfrontiert mit dem nicht zu bezweifelnden Erfolg der Strategie, eines anderen besannen. Besonders interessant fand ich auch die Gegenüberstellung der politischen Strategien zur Legalisierung von Cannabis in den Bundesstaaten Colorado und Washington der USA, einem Land, in dem Minderjährige für 20 Jahre zu Mördern und Vergewaltigern ins Gefängnis müssen, weil sie mit ein paar Gramm Dope erwischt wurden, einem Land, in dem prozentual mehr Schwarze vornehmlich wegen Drogendelikten im Gefängnis sitzen, als in Südafrika zu Zeiten der Apartheid, einem Land, in dem Schwerstkriminelle vor Ablauf ihrer Haftstrafe auf freien Fuß gesetzt werden, um in den überfüllten Gefängnissen Platz für 17-jährige, kiffende Schüler zu schaffen. In Colorado beruhte die Argumentation auf einer Gegenüberstellung von Marihuana und Alkohol und der Tatsache, daß Alkohol schädlicher und gefährlicher ist als THC. In Washington hingegen stellte man auf die Ungerechtigkeit und völlige Unzulänglichkeit bestehender Drogengesetze ab und argumentierte mit den Steuereinnahmen und den davon zu finanzierenden gesundheitsfördernden Programmen, die eine reglementierte Abgabe von THC bewirken würden. In beiden Staaten hat die Strategie funktioniert und kann THC nun legal erworben werden.

Im Zusammenhang mit der Beschreibung dieser ersten Ansätze zur Abschaffung der Totalprohibition und den Gesprächen, die er führte, legt Hari nicht nur die objektiven Zahlen und Fakten vor, die den Erfolg der Maßnahmen dokumentieren, sondern geht auch auf die Argumente und Ängste der Kritiker und vielleicht manche eines Lesers ein. Z.B. auf die Frage, ob eine Legalisierung nicht den Drogenkonsum erhöhen würde und wie Kinder davor geschützt werden können. Er tut diese Ängste nicht ab, sondern nimmt sie ernst, indem er zugibt, einige davon selbst zu teilen bzw. geteilt zu haben, aber er zeigt auch auf, daß die bisherigen Entwicklungen die Befürchtungen nicht bestätigen.

“Ich habe aufgehört, einen Krieg gegen die Drogen in meinem eigenen Kopf zu führen. Ich bin mir bewußt – jetzt mehr denn je – daß das ein Privileg ist, das ich genieße, weil ich ein weißer Zugehöriger der Mittelklasse bin und in einer Ecke Westeuropas lebe, wo Leute wie ich die schlimmsten Auswirkungen des Kriegs gegen die Drogen nicht voll abbekommen. Ich denke immer an die all die Leute, die ich getroffen habe, die wegen ihrer Hautfarbe oder weil sie am falschen Ort zur Welt kamen, nicht in den Genuß dieses Privilegs kommen. Das ist nicht richtig. Es sollte nicht so sein – und das muß es auch nicht.”

J. Hari in “Chasing the Scream” (Übersetzung CC)

FAZIT:

Die allgemeine Auffassung und die darauf basierende Politik und Gesetzgebung zu Drogen, Drogensucht und Drogensüchtigen in den meisten Ländern der Welt ist falsch.
Der „Krieg gegen die Drogen“ wurde federführend von einem einzelnen traumatisierten Heuchler und Rassisten entfesselt und wurde und wird noch heute aus völlig anderen Gründen geführt, als wir glauben (sollen). Er hat über 100 Jahre Zigtausende Menschenleben gekostet, dabei unaussprechliches Leid und Elend verursacht und muß endlich und endgültig als katastrophal gescheitert angesehen werden.
Die Abschaffung des Kriegs gegen die Drogen wird weder die Zivilisation ins Chaos stürzen, noch ist sie ein Gefallen für Süchtige oder eine liberale Schnapsidee, sondern sie wäre im Sinne von Sicherheit und Schutz der Bevölkerung, Verbrechensbekämpfung, Reglementierung und Beteiligung des Staats durch Steuereinnahmen ein zutiefst konservatives Ziel.
Ich bin überzeugt, daß jede/r dieses Buch lesen sollte!
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nicholas hill
5,0 sur 5 étoiles superb
Commenté au Royaume-Uni 🇬🇧 le 4 mars 2023
Achat vérifié
Hari firmly places the problem of addiction on societal woes and it’s failed efforts to try to crush drugs with tough sentencing and firm abhorrence of drugs. It acknowledges recent studies of the brain and changes caused within it by the drugs themselves leading to addiction but also indicates how other factors are at work. It’s message of compassion , warmth and humane treatment for drug addicts may be too much for some whose lives have been blighted by an addict committing crimes to feed their cravings despite the worldly evidence that it works.
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Thundergun
5,0 sur 5 étoiles History of America's war on drugs from three perspectives: police, gangsters, and addicts
Commenté aux États-Unis 🇺🇸 le 31 janvier 2023
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This work is brilliant, but emotionally painful to read. It tells the story of the so-called "War on Drugs" as it related to law enforcement from Anslinger to Arpaio, as it related to addicts from Billie Holiday to Bud Osborne, and as it related to crime gangs from Rothstein to modern street pushers. It's easy to read and extremely eye-opening and the bold statements made are backed up with references to academic works. Every lawmaker with an opinion on prohibition should read this book.
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Kieran Fox
3,0 sur 5 étoiles Flawed but important
Commenté aux États-Unis 🇺🇸 le 12 juillet 2017
Achat vérifié
I won't repeat what others have said here about the basic content of the book. I agree with its overall message, the writing is brisk and compelling overall, and it is a message many people need to hear in a format many people will be able to appreciate. In general this a courageous and heartfelt look at the war on drugs and the disaster that has ensued everywhere it has been waged, and I would recommend it to pretty much anyone.

But I do feel I need to put a bit of a damper on all the glowing 5-star reviews here. As a neuroscientist and someone who has thought about drugs, drug policy, and the drug war a lot, there are some serious issues here that I haven't seen pointed out in some other reviews.

First, Hari is neither a scientist, nor a historian, nor a physician - and it shows. The book is essentially one long anecdote, and hard numbers and statistics are few and far between. It could be argued that this isn't the point of the book, but nonetheless it is a shortcoming when an author purports to be documenting the facts and real-world outcomes of decriminalization/legalization.

Second, I found that despite his 3-year, 30,000-mile odyssey to explore the war on drugs, ultimately Hari still seemed naive and poorly informed about it all. By nearly page 300, he is still dumbfounded and incredulous at the idea that alcohol might in fact be among the most harmful substances in use today - it all seems so "counterintuitive" to him. These are the kind of numbers/findings that anyone who takes this topic seriously should have found in week one, not the kind of thing that one should be doubting with a gut reaction after years of research into the topic.

A similar example is Hari's hand-wringing and agonizing over the idea that his precious nieces and nephews might be harmed by smoking a joint (as if they aren't doing it anyway). Here Hari cites a deeply flawed and widely criticized scientific article claiming that marijuana use in adolescence "damages IQ for life" and brings up the example of a friend who smoked a lot and now thinks it harmed him for life. There just doesn't seem to be any context here - as David Nutt (interviewed in the book) has pointed out, horse-riding causes way more brain damage than drugs in the UK, but no one thinks of it as a scourge of the youth that should be fretted over. Here in North America it's concussions from football and hockey, which again hardly raise an eyebrow. And look at the way we let our children eat, for crying out loud, and the ensuing obesity, diabetes, and heart disease. That anyone who has thought about these issues in depth is actually wasting time worrying about young people smoking a joint is shocking to me.

Third is the snide treatment of Timothy Leary. Hari spends page after page treating everyone he comes across in his journey with the utmost compassion. Whether they have lived as thieves, murderers, torturers for drug cartels, etc., all of them are portrayed as victims of an unfair system, unfair childhoods, unfair what-have-you – and this is a fair enough viewpoint with much truth to it. But when it comes to Timothy Leary, Hari's bleeding heart is suddenly dry. Leary is dismissed in less than a page as a psychopath who scared all the 'normal' people and ruined the whole decriminalization party for everyone else. No matter that Leary himself suffered from alcohol addiction and the traumatic suicide of his first wife; no matter that without his proselytizing it's very unlikely any of us would be having this conversation today; no matter that he originally advocated gentle decriminalization and a licensing system so that everyone could use substances responsibly and is pretty much the grandfather of the modern movement; no matter that for these altogether minimal actions he was hounded by the government for years and incarcerated in a maximum security prison under a life sentence for possession of a trivial amount of marijuana.

In short, when it came to the material I knew best (certain aspects of the neuroscience and history), Hari seemed grossly uninformed and/or naive - and this makes me question how much I can trust his reporting and assessment of other issues about which I know less.

Overall, I definitely recommend this book and it is well worth reading for the compelling stories within. But I disagree with the majority opinion here that this is some kind of flawless masterpiece. It's a great read, and full of great stories, but this is not scholarship by any stretch; it is at best journalism, and probably better described as a personal memoir. That doesn't necessarily detract at all from its value but the reader should know what they're getting into.
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Niklas Morgan
5,0 sur 5 étoiles Very moving insight into the tragic "War on Drugs"
Commenté en Allemagne 🇩🇪 le 25 mai 2015
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This is an important book. It has influenced the way I think about drugs and particularly drug addiction and drug addicts. It is difficult to find the right words when dealing with these topics, since the debate is usually full of sharp rhetoric and condescending views on the arguments of the opposing camp. I wish that book was a compulsive read for anybody, particularly politicians and journalists, before they enter the arena of debating this topic, particularly in fierce talk show shout fests.

Hari is very skilled in his writing. This book is not overloading you with facts. It is not a boring textbook on the different drugs and how to best deal with them. It is more a collection of short stories, each story dealing with the life of real person, who ended up somewhere on a particular side of the 100 year long "War on Drugs". Either on the side of the law enforcing officials, or the side of the drug dealers, but mainly on the side of the victims of this war. The author engages you without being sentimental. It is difficult to put the book down, even if you are familiar with some of the arguments and histories. It appeals equally to readers with some background on the topic or complete newcomers to the debate.

However, if you are a newcomer, you will see your point of view being shattered. Some of the reports are so unbelievable, you reject them outright as exagerations. Already the beginning of the war leaves you speachless. How a goverment institution in the USA under the control of a bigot and zelot plays on the fears of the time (which were surprisingly not to protect the weak and the children, but the angst to have racial minorities and communists undermining the stability of the country) to ban drugs, which the medical community at the time considered essential for the treatment of patients. It was new to me that more than 20.000 doctors stood up and refused to stop prescribing opiates to their patients, not wanting to let them be at the mercy of criminal providers. The subsequent breaking of the medical and scientific community, the selective research being allowed, and the supression or simple oversight of evidence not supporting the official government doctrine is truely remarkable and has most likely no equivalent in modern history.

Another frightening aspect is how the USA was able to bully the entire world into accepting their crede on how to deal with drugs. Not because they had evidence or data. Only because they told everybody how they had to do it. A process that in itself has caused tremendous harm to many third world countries, and is unfortunately still ongoing. I am not in the political camp of the USA bashing left, who blame the USA or capitalism for everything bad on the planet, but it does not require much economical understanding to see that the Drug War is ignoring the rules of capitalism and creates a lucrative black market outside the control of any government. It is not surprising that any liberalization attempts are mainly opposed by organized crime syndicates, in league with conservative politicians who are usually not bad people but simply under the impression that their way is the only way of doing good. A true tragedy! However this book offers at least some examples of conservative politicians who had their own personal "road to Damascus" revelation, and turned their policy by 180 degrees, despite being often shunned afterwards by their former political supporters.

Some stories read like something from a long gone age. Surely this cannot be true in the 21st century! He must be giving some freakish examples of concentration camp like prisons in the USA and sadistic child soldiers of the drug gangs.

But Hari is quite clever in the way he guides you along his own path of revelation. Starting out on a three year journey accross the world to find some answers on how the War on Drugs came about and how it works to the "wellbeing" of our society, he starts as a more or less "agnostic" but slightly sceptical journalist, and he ends as a clear opponent of most of the undisputed "truth" that most of us hold to be true. The stories are not overloaded with facts and details, but each is peppered with footnotes leading to the source material. Even the audio tape of the interviews can be accessed online. So it may not be easy to rebute all this as exagerated fiction or the nonsense of a dreamer.

Not everybody following him on this journey might reach exactly the same conclusions. But you are a very callous and rather dogmatic person, if at the end of this book you would not stop for a long moment and consider the possibility that we as a civilization might be fighting the completely wrong war, which causes far more pain and casualties than this dangerous substances we consider to be the incarnation of the evil in the world.
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Big Al
5,0 sur 5 étoiles so well researched and rationalised
Commenté au Royaume-Uni 🇬🇧 le 11 février 2023
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Tremendously thorough and thought out. Hari leaves the reader wondering exactly what benefits remain in the prohibition pursuit against drugs.
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Norman A. Pattis
5,0 sur 5 étoiles How to "Win" The Drug War: Stop Fighting
Commenté aux États-Unis 🇺🇸 le 24 mars 2015
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What if just about everything we think we know about the war on drugs is wrong?

Start, for example, with the oft-repeated proposition that the war began in the 1970s, during the administration of Richard M. Nixon.

Wrong. The war is far older, and originates in Henry Anslinger’s Federal Bureau of Narcotics, created in 1930. Anslinger’s preoccupation with marijuana set the nation on a tragic and costly course from which we still have not recovered. You can drink yourself into a coma, but don’t dare touch weed or a pill, at least in most states.

Or how about the canard that narcotics use or any sort inevitable leads to addiction?

Wrong. Recent research shows only a fraction of those who use narcotics, even serious narcotics, end up addicted. Most users can walk away from drugs, and, it goes without saying, alcohol with no struggle at all.

The story of a drug war gone horribly wrong is wonderfully told in Johann Hari’s, Chasing the Scream: The First and Last Days of the War on Drugs (2015).

Hari traveled the world, asking questions about why we criminalize drug use, whether drug use is an incurable illness, how users should be treated, whether legalization makes sense. Among the facts he reports:

The United States imprisons more people for narcotics related offenses than does Western Europe for all offenses combined.
Outbreaks of drug addition historically occur during periods of great social dislocation – think gin-soaked slums in the Industrial Revolution, or heroin-addled troops in Vietnam.

When prohibition of alcohol was repealed, the violence associated with organized crime’s control of the illegal sale and distribution of liquor diminished.

Hari travels from inner city North America, to Juarez, Mexico, to drug treatment clinics in Western Europe, to Portugal, the first nation to legalize drug use in general. He wants to know why we criminalize the sick.

The most persuasive anecdote in the book reflects work done with rats and cocaine. When rates are left alone in a cage, they return repetitively, and often fatally, to a cocaine-laced bottle of water. But place that same bottle of water in a cage in which there are plenty of other rats, and plenty for the rats to do, and most rats ignore the cocaine altogether.

In other words, drug use may have more to do with opportunities for meaningful social engagement than drug warriors want to admit.

The arguments Hari raises won’t persuade everyone. Law enforcement, for example, has powerful incentives to oppose decriminalization or legalization. Asset forfeiture policies in drug prosecutions permit police departments to line their coffers with cash used to purchase new and better weapons and means of social control. Prisons, too, need to be filled.

Hari admits that there will most likely be some small increase in drug use if usage is legalized. But the enormous savings resulting from the closing of prisons will make more funds available for effective treatment and drug education. Whether legal or not, drug use, like liquor consumption, is here to stay: Shouldn’t the point be to cope with the obvious rather than criminalizing the relatively common?

I’ve lost friends to drug use. I understand that addiction is serious. But, candidly, I see far more the effects of alcohol in my day-to-day life. Why the double standard?

Hari’s point is simply this: A good society provides opportunities and a place for all, and works to understand those who have lost their way. We’re not a good society. We ostracize the weak, and then, when they numb their pain by any means ready at hand, we penalize them. We do all this at great and never-ending cost, and pretend that we are fighting a war against some foreign invader.

It’s a silly fight, and it’s high time to end it.
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